AOUON N.C. Organizer, Comrade Brian Rashad Wiley Killed

All of Us or None is sad to share that AOUON North Carolina Organizer Brian “BDubb” Wiley was killed in Durham, N.C. on Sunday, July 15, 2018. Brother Wiley passed a year after fellow AOUON NC Organizer Umar Muhammad was killed in a traffic accident.

AOUON NC Organizers Brian “BDubb” Wiley, Andraé “Muffin” Hudson, and Umar Muhammad tabling at a community event in Durham, N.C.

LSPC Executive Director and AOUON co-founder Dorsey Nunn:

We should have the expectation that we can survive freedom more than we can survive prison. 

It’s troubling to me that we lost two organizers in North Carolina in a year. 
It’s troubling to me to look a picture of people doing tabling for All of Us or None, and two of the three people have died. 
And both were under the age of 35. 

For some people, AOUON is where you can register your objection to how you’ve been treated. An opportunity to turn a bad experience into good. Brian Wiley and Umar Muhammad were trying to make a demand for justice, and they died before we could achieve it for them.
Brian died almost a year to the day Umar died.

Sometimes I think God has an odd sense of humor. Us older organizers are training youth leaders to carry on the movement, yet some of youngsters are gone and we’re still getting older. So we might have a plan, but God might have a different one. It’s hard. 

All of Us or None contributed towards Brian’s funeral expenses. And we’ll continue to train and support organizers across the country. Because we have to. We have to take up the work left unfinished by those who pass before their time. We have to change the expectation from “We won’t make it past 35” to “We will live beyond 50.” We have heavy hearts, but Brian, Umar, and all who have gone on before had high expectations. And so we must continue the fight for our civil and human rights for ourselves, for our family members, and our communities.

A memorial fund has been set up to help the family in this time of tragedy.
Rest in Power, Comrade.

‘As Long As Solitary Exists, They Will Find a Way to Use It’

Five years after he helped launch the largest-ever prison hunger strike, Todd Ashker is back in isolation. And he’s not the only one.

Inside a Security Housing Unit

 

On July 8, 2013, more than 30,000 incarcerated men and women across California began refusing to eat. It was the start of the nation’s largest-ever prison hunger strike, and for some the fasting would last nearly two months. The mass protest made headlines across the country, and compelled the state to seek a federal court’s permission to force-feed participants. After state lawmakers agreed to hold hearings about conditions inside California’s prison system, the strike was finally suspended on September 5, 2013.

What was remarkable about the statewide action was not just its size and duration, but the fact that it had been planned and coordinated by a group of men held in solitary confinement for 22 to 24 hours a day. The men were held in what was known as the Short Corridor of the Security Housing Unit (SHU) at Pelican Bay State Prison, one of the nation’s oldest and most notorious supermax prisons.

The so-called Short Corridor Collective was a racially diverse group of accused prison gang leaders, who were supposed to be mortal enemies. Some had been held in solitary confinement for as long as 23 years—isolated, like hundreds of others, because of their alleged gang activity. But together, from their windowless 11-by-seven-foot cells, via communications shouted down the corridor, they organized a hunger strike with five core demands. They wanted an end to the system of “group punishment.” They also demanded that the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation (CDCR) modify its gang-status criteria, which justified placing individuals in indefinite solitary confinement if they were “validated” as gang members. These validations were often based on circumstantial evidence such as tattoos, reading materials, or associations with others. The only way out of the SHU was to “debrief,” or provide information incriminating others—a process that could be dangerous to both the prisoner who debriefed and his family on the outside. It also invited false accusations by men desperate to be released from solitary. The other demands included an end to long-term solitary confinement as well as “adequate and nutritious food” and “constructive programming.”

In September 2012, the Short Corridor Collective issued an Agreement to End Hostilities among racial groups, which declared in part:

We can no longer allow CDCR to use us against each other for their benefit! Because the reality is that collectively, we are an empowered, mighty force, that can positively change this entire corrupt system into a system that actually benefits prisoners, and thereby, the public as a whole.

CDCR officials had repeatedly stated that, while the SHU is a form of restricted housing, it is not solitary confinement. They initially denounced the hunger strike as being organized by prison gangs. However, the growing attention from sympathetic state legislators as well as supporters across the country made it increasingly impossible to ignore the prisoners’ demands. In 2012, the Center for Constitutional Rights filed a federal class-action lawsuit on behalf of all prisoners held in the SHU charging that prolonged solitary confinement violated the Eighth Amendment’s prohibition against cruel and unusual punishment, and that the absence of meaningful review for SHU placement violated constitutional guarantees of due process.

The lawsuit, Ashker v. Governor of California, was settled on September 1, 2015. Soon, the number of individuals held in the SHU began to drop dramatically, as men who had been in solitary confinement for as long as three decades were released into general population or into transitional “step-down” programs.

Among them was Todd Ashker, now 54, the high-profile lead plaintiff in the suit and a driving member of the Short Corridor Collective, who had been in the SHU since 1988 for his alleged ties to the Aryan Brotherhood. “I am still amazed at how big the sky looks,” he wrote shortly after his transfer from Pelican Bay to Kern Valley State Prison. “The sun gets hot! I’ve already gotten burned a few times.”

The changes were widely celebrated, culminating in an October 2017 60 Minutes segment in which Oprah Winfrey sat in a now-empty cell at Pelican Bay. She extracted a mea culpa from CDCR director Scott Kernan for his department’s past excessive use of solitary confinement, and accepted without question his pronouncements about the brighter and more humane future that was coming to pass for incarcerated Californians.

Five years after they refused their first meal, there can be no doubt that the prison hunger strikers and their supporters won a decisive victory. But prisons are notoriously change-resistant institutions, and the truth about solitary confinement in California today is far more complicated than the state-generated PR or upbeat reporting suggests.

Just ask Todd Ashker. After only 13 months of being able to see the sky and talk face to face with other human beings, Ashker is back in isolation. And he’s not the only one.

NYT: “They Served Their Time. Now They’re Fighting for Other Ex-Felons to Vote.”

Steve Huerta, a community organizer in San Antonio, has started a campaign to encourage former felons to vote, which is their right in Texas as long as they are no longer on probation or parole.CreditIlana Panich-Linsman for The New York Times

Ever since his own three-month stint behind bars, Steve Huerta has mentored fathers emerging from prison. But it soon dawned on him that they needed more than advice to break the cycle of joblessness and incarceration. What they needed, he decided, was political power.

So seven years ago, Mr. Huerta, a community organizer in San Antonio, began a door-knocking campaign to encourage former felons to vote, which is their right in Texas as long as they are no longer on probation or parole. Mr. Huerta has recruited formerly incarcerated people to head precincts, responsible for getting their neighbors to the polls. And he meticulously tracks the turnout rate of 98,000 voters with criminal records.

“This is an entirely new voting bloc,” said Mr. Huerta, who now represents his area on a statewide organizing committee for the Democratic Party in Texas. “It’s a political game-changer for struggling communities.”

Mr. Huerta is part of a growing national movement that is pushing to politically empower formerly incarcerated people by encouraging them to vote if they are eligible and pushing to restore their rights if they are not. Most states curb the voting rights of former felons to some degree; an estimated six million people nationwide are barred from voting because of felony convictions. But a number of states are now considering whether to get rid of the disenfranchisement laws that block felons from the polls.

In Florida, where 10 percent of adults can’t vote because of a felony conviction, a ballot initiative in November would automatically restore voting rights after a prison sentence has been completed. In New Jersey, state legislators are considering a bill that would allow people in prison to vote. It would be the third state, after Maine and Vermont, to do so.

 
Edward Galvan, 31, who was formerly incarcerated, registered to vote.CreditIlana Panich-Linsman for The New York Times

 

Supporters say the movement gives former felons hope that they will one day overcome the stigma of incarceration and be accepted as responsible citizens, in addition to giving impoverished communities a greater voice. But many conservative groups fiercely oppose the changes, arguing that people need to first prove that they are upstanding members of society before they can vote. 

Spearheaded by voting rights activists who have themselves served time in prison, the movement has racked up successes in recent years. In 2016, Gov. Terry McAuliffe of Virginia restored the voting rights of more than 150,000 people who had completed their sentences. And last year, Alabama passed a law that clarified which crimes stripped the right to vote, allowing thousands of nonviolent offenders to cast a ballot. In New York, Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo recently announced that he will grant up to 35,000 parolees the right to vote.

“Rights restoration is all a part of a nationwide struggle to make America a real democracy,” said Assaddique Abdul-Rahman, a 54-year-old Virginia man who had struggled with homelessness and incarceration since age 16, when he was sent to prison for robbery. After his rights were restored by Mr. McAuliffe, he began to help other formerly incarcerated people register to vote. Eventually, a group called the New Virginia Majorityhired him as an organizer.

“In prison, they made sure to tell us, ‘You will never be able to vote, unless the governor restores your rights,’” he said. “I knew that those who could not vote did not have power. We were the underbelly.”

It’s unclear how these new voters might change the political landscape. Some political scientists predict that increasing felon turnout would have a relatively small impact, since it would advantage Democrats in urban areas where they already hold sway. But that could change as more formerly incarcerated people flee expensive city centers, said Brandon Rottinghaus, a political-science professor at the University of Houston.

“As more ex-felons settle in suburbs, the current battleground for so many political battles, expanding voting rights to felons and active registration of ex-felons may flip some seats currently held by Republicans to the Democrats,” Professor Rottinghaus said. In Texas, he pointed to potential gains for Democrats in far west Houston, east Dallas and San Antonio, all areas with competitive congressional races this fall.

Dorsey Nunn, third from left, served 10 years for his role in a deadly liquor store robbery. He now heads a prisoner legal aid office in California that is pushing to allow low-level felons serving time in county jails to vote.CreditPeter DaSilva for The New York Times

 

In states with strict voting laws that disenfranchise felons indefinitely — such as Florida — increasing turnout would likely make a difference in election outcomes, said Christopher Uggen, a professor of sociology at the University of Minnesota, who estimated that Democratic votes lost to felon disenfranchisement would have changed the outcome of seven Senate races since 1978, as well as the 2000 presidential election of George W. Bush.

The activists insist their work is nonpartisan and say they support candidates of any party who pledge to expand felons’ access to jobs, student loans, and the polls. But such politicians are rare, Mr. Huerta said. Democrats and Republicans alike tend to avoid campaigning in neighborhoods with high concentrations of felons.

The United States is one of only a handful of countries that strips voting rights from felons even after they have served their time. The concept dates back to the colonial era, when certain criminals were shunned and stripped of rights, a practice known as “civil death.” But it only began to impact large numbers of people in the wake of the Civil War, when several Southern states used it to disenfranchise black men who had recently gained the right to vote. Today, laws barring felons from voting vary by state. Eligibility can change radically from one governor to the next, causing widespread confusion.

The movement to restore felons’ voting rights has gotten tangled up in partisan ideological battles, with Democratic leaders tending to support expanded access to the ballot and Republicans opposing it.

People who commit serious crimes “should be required to prove that they have turned over a new leaf before we invite them back into the fold to be able to participate in the electoral process,” said Jason Snead, a policy analyst at the Heritage Foundation, a conservative think tank, who argues for stepped-up scrutiny of felons at the ballot box as part of a broader campaign against voter fraud.

At least 180 felons have been prosecuted for voting over the past 20 years, according to a list of voting-related convictions and civil judgments compiled by Mr. Snead. The list includes over 100 felons who were prosecuted in Minnesota after a local citizens group, the Minnesota Majority, crosschecked the names of released felons against the list of people who cast ballots in 2008.

 
Mr. Huerta has meticulously tracked the turnout rate of 98,000 voters with criminal records.CreditIlana Panich-Linsman for The New York Times

 

“Voter fraud is a felony,” said Dan McGrath, a volunteer with the group, now defunct. “We think it’s a threat to our democracy.”

But many former felons who have been prosecuted for voting say they did not know they were ineligible, including Crystal Mason, a Texas woman who recently received a five-year prison sentence for voting in 2016. Ms. Mason, who was on probation for tax fraud, cast a provisional ballot with the help of a poll worker.

Uncertainty over whether they are eligible and fear of prosecution keep large numbers of felons from casting ballots, said Marc Meredith, an associate professor of political science at the University of Pennsylvania. Even in states that allow felons to vote, he said, their turnout rate lingers between 10 to 20 percent in a presidential election year, far below the general population.

“Given that the downsides of voting illegally could be so harsh, relative to the benefit,” he said, some felons refuse to take the risk of voting even if they think they are eligible.

Punishments handed down to those convicted of illegal voting vary widely, from the payment of court fees to years in prison. In Texas, judges have sent felons back to prison for violating the terms of their probation by committing a new crime — voting while ineligible.

Last year, formerly incarcerated activists put on their first national conference, which was attended by about 500 people. It buoyed local efforts across the country. In Louisiana, Norris Henderson, who spent 27 years in prison for a murder he insists he did not commit, heads Voice of the Experienced, a group working to expand the franchise to 71,000 people on probation and parole. In California, Dorsey Nunn, who served 10 years for his role in a deadly liquor store robbery, now heads a prisoner legal aid office that is pushing to allow low-level felons serving time in county jails to vote.

 
At an event at the California State Capitol last month, former felons learned how to lobby lawmakers on bills advocating better rights for themselves and their families.CreditPeter DaSilva for The New York Times

 

And in Texas, Mr. Huerta presses on with his door-knocking efforts. Since Ms. Mason’s prison sentence, he has revamped his material to include more prominent warnings against voting while on probation or parole. When people question whether voting is safe, he assures them it is not only safe, but vital.

“It’s our lifeline,” he says.

He uses his own 1999 conviction for speeding, drunken driving and drug possession to show former felons that they can also become voters and even elected officials.

In San Antonio’s City Council District 5, where more than 17 percent of voters have either a felony or a misdemeanor on their record, Mr. Huerta’s team has reached out to nearly half of all affected households over a period of years.

Mr. Huerta believes that boosting turnout is key to bringing needed resources into poor neighborhoods.

“No one spends money on people with no voting history,” he said.

He said felons and their families have already helped elect more sympathetic judges and a district attorney, Nico LaHood, who has an arrest record for a youthful drug offense.

In low-turnout local races, Mr. Huerta said, “We have the ability to elect justice-impacted people to the school boards that control a billion-dollar budget with about 600 votes.”

But if he succeeds, he expects a backlash. Given how many Americans have spent time behind bars, he said, “People may be thinking, ‘What if they all vote?’”

April 30: Hundreds of Formerly Incarcerated People, Family Members and Allies to Visit Sacramento for 6th Annual Quest for Democracy Advocacy Day

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE – April 26, 2018

Participants Will Meet State Legislators and Advocate for Bills that Restore Rights and Reduce Barriers to Employment for Formerly Incarcerated People
 
Contact:
Mark Fujiwara, Communications Coordinator:
mc@prisonerswithchildren.org / 925.324.9745
Azadeh Zohrabi, Development Director:
azadeh@prisonerswithchildren.org / 510.990.2841

On Monday, April 30, around 500 hundred formerly incarcerated people, family members, and allies from all over California will visit the Capitol in Sacramento for a large-scale statewide advocacy day called “Quest for Democracy.” The day will consist of an advocacy training, a rally in the park near the East Steps of the Capitol, and grassroots lobbying teams will meet with staff from most California legislator’s offices.

Legal Services for Prisoners with Children and our grassroots organizing project All of Us or None work directly with ally and co-sponsor organizations to advocate for legislation that advances the civil and human rights of people in prison, their loved ones, and the broader community. This work is primarily lead by formerly incarcerated persons and those directly impacted by the criminal justice system, who work tirelessly to develop effective and humane alternatives to incarceration and punishment. For example, in 2017, LSPC and AOUON helped to pass AB 1008, which expanded “Ban the Box” policies to private employers and removed barriers to employment for over 7 million Californians with conviction histories.
 
Quest for Democracy bridges the gap between policy advocacy and community organizing by training formerly incarcerated people, family members, and allies to fight for their rights, while also providing the opportunity to communicate directly with California State Legislators.

“We are tax-paying Californians before, during, and after any state-imposed sentence,” said Dorsey Nunn, Executive Director of LSPC, “and we demand full access to the machinery of democracy to stay connected to our communities and maintain our humanity.”

Before the grassroots lobbying visits, the participants will join allies for a rally outside the Capitol building featuring speakers from many participating organizations, music, poetry, and dance. Organizers and attendees will promote a slate of bills that would shorten sentences, make police more accountable for their actions, remove barriers to employment, and promote voting rights.

“The voices and expertise of directly-impacted people are what give life to this legislation and Quest for Democracy is a chance to show lawmakers why these issues matter,” said Brittany Stonesifer, LSPC Staff Attorney and Q4D Legislative Committee Lead.
 
Bringing impacted people and allies from all over the state together creates community and empowers people to speak up at all levels of government.

Sandra Johnson, a survivor of incarceration, Q4D Organizer, and member of All of Us or None: “Quest for Democracy Day helps formerly incarcerated people and our families speak truth, regain dignity, and make California a better, safer place for all of us.”
 


Bills in the Quest for Democracy platform include:
 
Employment Rights:
AB 2138, AB 3039, AB 2293—removing barriers to occupational licenses

Economic Justice:
SB 1105—traffic ticket relief for incarcerated & indigent people
AB 2533—expands relief for indigent people in CDCR

Sentencing & Pre-Trial Release:
SB 1392, SB 1393—removing sentencing enhancements
SB 10—money bail reform
SB 1437—abolishes felony murder rule for accomplices

Youth Justice: 
AB 2010—prohibits tear gas at juvenile facilities
AB 2605—3-year ban on law enforcement calls by foster care facilities for behavioral management of youth in non-emergency situations

Probation, Parole, & Restoration of Rights:
SB 1025—allows probation for certain drug convictions
SB 1940—grants time credit and expands travel limitation for accomplishing educational and rehabilitation programs while on parole
AB 2845—creates a Pardon & Commutation Panel to review requests
AB 3115—requires county jails to allow voter education and registration programs

Police & Correctional Officer Accountability:
SB 1421—allows public access to findings and disciplinary records related to use of deadly and serious force by police officers
AB 2550—protections of people incarcerated in women’s prisons
 
***

PR: Unlawful Removal of CA Voters with Conviction Records

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

ALL OF US OR NONE PUTS TEN CALIFORNIA COUNTIES ON NOTICE OVER UNLAWFUL REMOVAL OF PEOPLE WITH FELONY CONVICTIONS FROM ELECTORAL ROLLS
 

CONTACT:

Mark Fujiwara
All of Us or None Bay Area /
Legal Services for Prisoners with Children
415-625-7056
mc@prisonerswithchildren.org
Christin Runkle
All of Us or None Los Angeles / Long Beach / 
A New Way of Life
323-406-6904
christin@anewwayoflife.org

San Francisco, CA. (April 4, 2018) — All of Us or None (AOUON), a California-based national grassroots organization fighting for the rights of formerly and currently incarcerated people, sent demand letters today to ten California county registrar’s offices and local courts believed to be unlawfully triggering the removal of people with conviction histories from electoral rolls — with estimated over 3,000 eligible voters being removed in 2017 in Los Angeles County alone.

AOUON has found evidence that these government agencies — which span ten counties, including Butte, Contra Costa, Kings, Los Angeles, San Diego, Santa Clara, Solano, Tulare, Ventura and Orange — have been violating recent legislation that preserves voting rights for people convicted of a felony under AB 109 Public Safety Realignment. The demand letters ask that the agencies immediately reinstate these voters’ registrations, send notices to alert the voters to the error, and fix their systems to ensure that such violations do not happen again. 

“We’re a national organization of formerly incarcerated individuals with a history of fighting for and winning the voting rights of people with convictions, and we are prepared to take necessary action to correct unlawful practices that violate our right to vote.” says Lisa James, AOUON-Los Angeles/Long Beach organizer.
 

Voting after Realignment has a confusing history, but the law is now clear

In 2011, a major California criminal justice reform — commonly known as “Realignment” — changed the law to require that people with non-serious, non-violent, or non-sexual felonies are sentenced to county jail or probation, instead of state prison. Since the California Constitution disenfranchises only those who are “imprisoned or on parole for the conviction of a felony,” the voting eligibility of those serving felony sentences in county jail under Realignment was unclear for several years.

Following a successful legal battle brought by AOUON and other community allies against the Secretary of State, the State Legislature ultimately passed AB 2466 to clarify that Californians who are convicted of county Realignment felonies retain their right to vote.

As of January 1, 2017, state elections law requires local courts to provide to the county registrar a monthly list of people “committed to state prison.” The registrar is then required to cancel the registrations of people currently in prison or on parole. Despite the fact that voting rights under Realignment have now been clarified in law,

“The government’s ongoing confusion about the law leads to the continuing disenfranchisement of the very population historically subject to de facto disenfranchisement — from the Fifteenth Amendment to Jim Crow,” James says.
 

Educational efforts and voter outreach are critical

The last day to register to vote in the California primary election is May 21. For people who are currently in county jail, the deadline to request mail-in ballots is May 29. Even if registrar’s offices in these ten counties re-enroll voters quickly, outreach efforts are crucial to ensuring that people with Realignment convictions know that they can, in fact, vote.

AOUON is asking these registrar’s offices to engage in public education on the right to vote with a felony, but it will also continue its own outreach efforts. During the last two presidential general elections, AOUON-Los Angeles/Long Beach has done voter registration drives in Los Angeles County jails that have yielded more than 1,700 registrations in total. 

“As we restore voting rights to people incarcerated in jails, we need to establish a process to ensure everyone inside knows their rights and has timely access to registration forms and ballots before elections,” says Dorsey Nunn, co-founder of All of Us or None and executive director of Legal Services for Prisoners with Children in San Francisco. “We also need formerly incarcerated people to be able to go into jails to do some of this voter  outreach — we have the unique experience to know that voting instills a sense of ownership in both ourselves and our communities.”
 

 

About All of Us or None

All of Us or None is a grassroots civil and human rights organization fighting for the rights of formerly and currently incarcerated people and our families. We are fighting against the discrimination that people face every day because of arrest or conviction history. The goal of All of Us or None is to strengthen the voices of people most affected by mass incarceration and the growth of the prison-industrial complex. All of Us or None is a project of Legal Services for Prisoners with Children, with the SoCal chapters sponsored by A New Way of Life Reentry Project.

Press Release: LSPC Joins DPA Delegation to Study Portugal’s Humane Drug Policy

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE – March 13, 2018

LSPC Joins Drug Policy Alliance Partners in Portugal to Study Effective, Humane Drug Decriminalization and Treatment Policy

CONTACT:
Mark Fujiwara 415-625-7056
mc@prisonerswithchildren.org
Dorsey Nunn 415-625-7052
dorsey@prisonerswithchildren.org

San Francisco, CA – Legal Services for Prisoners with Children (LSPC) Executive Director and All of Us or None co-founder Dorsey Nunn will join Drug Policy Alliance members and partners in Lisbon, Portugal on March 19-22, 2018, to observe first-hand the European country’s successful drug harm-reduction and decriminalization programs.

In response to a heroin epidemic in the 1990’s, Portugal decriminalized personal possession of all drugs and began treating drug possession and use as a health issue—employing counseling and methadone instead of judge, courtroom, and jail. As a result, drug cases have dropped 75%, HIV transmission via intravenous drug use is the lowest in Europe, overdoses are the second lowest in Europe, and the drug-induced death rate is 5 times lower than the European Union average.

During the same time period, the U.S. has doubled down on criminalization and incarceration, spending billions of dollars on a failed “War on Drugs” that has put hundreds of thousands of people—mainly of color—behind bars. In addition to incarceration, they are also shackled with a conviction history that triggers collateral consequences for the rest of their lives. There is also a real casualty cost—2016 saw more Americans dying of overdoses than were killed in the Vietnam, Afghanistan, and Iraq Wars combined.

As a Drug Policy Alliance partner, LPSC works to end the criminalization of drug possession and use, and to restore the civil and human rights of people with conviction histories. Most recently, in 2017, LSPC co-sponsored and helped pass SB 180 (The RISE Act), which eliminated mandatory 3-year enhancement sentences for certain prior drug convictions. In addition to his legislative work and grassroots advocacy, Dorsey Nunn is also the co-founder of Free At Last, an organization in Palo Alto, CA that offers community recovery and rehabilitation services.

Meeting with the top Portuguese national health officials who crafted their innovative and human policy, as well as with the social and health workers who implement it, LSPC and other Drug Alliance Policy partners will gain greater understanding about how to more effectively shift U.S. policy and practice from carceral to caring for our communities. As a legal services and legislative policy non-profit led and staffed by formerly-incarcerated people and family members, LSPC is in a unique position to advocate for best drug policy practices at the local, state, and national levels.

Find more info on the DPA delegation and Portugal’s decriminalization policy here.

Court Hearing in Ashker v. Governor of California

12 P.M. / 1 P.M.
Friday, February 23, 2018
450 Golden Gate Ave., San Francisco, CA 94102

Or watch here on Facebook Live on Friday!

Please join LSPC, CCR, and partners in court for oral argument in Ashker v. Governor of California, a federal class action lawsuit on behalf of prisoners held in solitary confinement in California’s Pelican Bay State Prison and throughout the state.

Ashker settled in 2015, and in the years since settlement, the Center for Constitutional Rights and co-counsel have been monitoring the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation (CDCR) as it ends longterm indeterminate solitary confinement. In the course of that monitoring, CCR developed evidence that many class members have been released to “general population” units where have been forced to spend as much or more time locked in their cells as when they were in solitary, with little to no rehabilitative or educational programming. 

On February 23, CCR cooperating counsel Jules Lobel will be arguing a motion challenging these SHU-like general population units as a violation of the settlement agreement.

A rally preceding the hearing will start at 12:00 P.M. PST outside the courthouse, and will conclude at 12:40 to allow time to enter the building. The hearing will begin at 1 P.M.

Please arrive early to clear through security. ID is required to enter the courthouse.

// NOTE(kyle) 3/24/15: This fixes the broken sidebar tabbing behavior of the // Tabber Widget. The original JS is still there but has been commented out.